Enculturation Curricula, Abuse Categorisation and the Globalist/Culturalist Project: The Genital Reference1

D. F. Janssen, MD2

"You little cunt which some day is to be used"3

Abstract: This article explores the boundaries of absolutist "sexual abuse" categorisations by addressing the issue of the transgenerational "genital reference" within a nonpreparatory nonhygienic nonmedical setting.  In an attempt to construe the" abusiveness" of these practices, it was argued that (1) the globalisation of categorisation efforts with regard to "sexual abuse" has not been informed by an ethnographically informed developmentalist perspective on sexuality; and that (2) "abuse globalists" selectively disregard or employ ethnography to arrive at justifications of a reductionist moral agenda. These problems render problematic the xenoculturalist criticism implicit both in the works of radical psychohistorians, and global protectionists.

Introduction
Abuse, Sexuality and Culturism
The Transgenerational Genital Reference
Teasing
The European Case
Historical Bias
Instrumentality: Uses and Abuses
Embeddedness, Legitimisation and Prohibition
Abuse or Avoided Category?
Psychoanalytic Heritage, the Problematic Mother and "Cultures of Abuse"
Conclusion
References
Footnotes
 

Introduction: Culture and the Rationalisation of Abuse

Using academic input as a bias, it can be maintained that while contemporary U. S. discourse regarding "sexual" enculturation is heavily negotiated, the culturalist entry is progressively politicised within a globalist spectre.  This last development facilitates nationalist, regionalist and continentalist articulation of sexual politics.  Beside effects in female education and mobility, family planning, career building, AIDS prevention, human right protection, and the distribution of associated prestige factors, it has not become obvious how this global curriculum would address early erotics.  The manifold consequences of universalist projects in sexual abuse politics have been explored by many theorists, but the fundamental concepts are still rather monolithic and thematically biased.  The American concept (cult, some may argue) of the atraumatic sexual trajectory certainly has proved substantial instrumentality in addressing abuse issues worldwide, but how does the "sexual" fit in?  As post-modernists now consider "sexualities" as essentially plural, functional and embedded, a globalist world warrants an ideological basis for a discussion of "sexual developmental cultures" somehow to be pieced together from contemporary proliferating reflection on "sexual cultures" and behaviour categories.  The place of "abuse" categorisations within this cultural project is a central one today.  One recalls that the "Rosenfeld studies" in the 1980s, examining a range of sexual socialisation related items, including primal scene exposure (1980)4, cross-generational co-sleeping (1982)5, touching parents' genitals, breasts (1986)6 and cross-generational co-bathing (1987)7, and, less clear, modesty conceptions (1984)8, were related to the tentative categorisation of American intrafamilial "abuse", Rosenfeld's original agenda (e.g., 1977)9 (cf. Lewis and Janda, 1988)10.  We also see that abuse categorisation has taken a leap by the progressive downward extension of age requirements for perpetrators, and the subsequent issuing of "normative categories" and trajectories, an American peculiarity traceable to Gesell and Ilg's work in the 1940s11.
 

Abuse, Sexuality and Culturism

Past culturalist or cross-culturalist views of "sex" tended to brush over internal variability, assume historical immutability, and equate cultural relativism with ethical relativism.  Taking these caveats seriously, a number of issues can be observed from the ethnohistorical record.  In my ongoing project "Growing Up Sexually"12, in which I attempt to bring together ethnographic, ethnological and sociological materials for a constructionist interpretation of human erotic/sexual trajectories and curricula, a large range of practices would have to be labelled "abusive" according to Occidental postindustrial measures.  The list includes various instances of explicit and direct transmission of sexual techniques, semi-formal age-stratified coital introductions, coitus demonstrations, the praxis of institutional intructrices, genital preparatory modifications, parenting customs (references to genitalia, "sexual teasing", apparent indifference to "primal scene" exposure), less flagrant age-dismatched (subgenerational) patterns, age-nonsegregated dormitory systems, ritualised as well as non-ritualised (e.g., non-mentor) generationally disparate patterning and "recruitment", enforced coitarche, etc.  These practices, it can be argued, are borne out of interventionalist13 attitudes which can be explained on the basis of (e.g., paternal-fraternal) interest curricula not encountered in contemporary Euro-American history.

The feminist curriculum has pioneered a moralist universalism versus a selection of these issues.  Yet it appears that contemporary globalist categorisations of abuse lack a well-documented analysis of practices traditionally encountered worldwide.  It is therefore unable to address practices found historically and (more urgently) contemporarily.  Some battles are based on unilateral interpretations, while eccentric issues are ignored in what may be the essentialisation of Western categorialism.  Thus, while clitoridectomy and other bloody morphology alterations have received extensive criticism, there seems to be a concurrent disregard of the young cunnus being subject to the extensive cosmetic of functional preparation in some way or another practised in a large number of (African and Oceanic) societies14.  The issue of abuse is a more problematic one here (the girls may practice it in groups).

Exploring the specific issue of intergenerational patterns of "genital reference" and avoidance, this article tentatively questions the anthropological legitimacy of abuse categorialism15.  It does so by an attempt to reflect on how such praxis would be abuse.  A discussion of abusiveness, of course, should not be restricted to the "cultural politics of baselines".  The limited preliminary functional analysis offered below is at odds with hegemonic abuse ideologies that tends to avoid abuse-usage juxtapositions of sexuality.  Anticipating global sexuality politics, the following discussion also hints at problematic collateral categorialisms (what is sexual) and the issue of absolute or relative age in gravity debates (how young or how much difference makes how bad).
 

An Unaddressed Case: The Transgenerational Genital Reference

Regarding intergenerational genital avoidance, a number of remarkable observations have been documented ethnographically.  A most extreme case of laxity in sexual behaviour curricularisation is noted by Jules Henry (1941 [1964: p 17-9])16 for the Brazilian Kaingangs, a tendency also suggested to be characteristic of the Brazilian Xokleng and Tupinamba, Colombian Kagaba, Venezuela Warao, and Bolivian Siriono.  Kaingang children would be so saturated by the sexual attentions of adults that they would not feel the urge to play around amongst themselves.

Nonpreparatory nonhygienic nonmedical transgenerational genital handling is noted for a large number of societies17, as several authors have previously noted for minor samples18.  Mostly, only one ethnographer documents the practice within a given setting; the Puerto Rico case, however, was mentioned by at least ten independent researchers.

A frequent variant of the manual technique is the oral/labial one19, and even feet may be used (Simaku).  Infant orgasm is never reported, but tumescence scores high on the alleged agenda.  Cults of baby's genital organ are commonly noted for boys and girls, but in some cases definitely20 or possibly21 not for both.  Male but not female stimulation is seen in, among other societies, the Lodha (West-Bengal), the Iatmul of Middle Sepik, and the Kpelle.  The practise is variably noted for both parents or either parent, but rarely a definite attitudinal difference is documented (as among the Kogi).
 

Teasers

One classification refers to a collateral phenomenon known as intergenerational "sexual teasing" found in some way or another in many societies22, a theme rarely explored in a systematic fashion.  For example, Sibley (1970)23 found ten types of teasing Philippine24 children that could be classified as "broadly sexual in nature".  The practice of genital fondling was observed to be a common form of "teasing".  28 children 4 years of age or older were reported to have been dealt with this way at least up to the age of four.  Of these 28, ranging in age from age 5 to 16 at the time of the interviews, 18 still received this treatment; the other ten were reported by their mothers as being "too old" for this.

Rarely studied, children may ubiquitous be "teased" both by superior generations and peer subcultures25 in response to their early heterosexual aspirations.  This drives the aspirations underground26, but more essentially provides a curricularised meaning to nascent heterosexual initiatives.  As Martinson notes, peer teasing on sexual issues "[...] recognizes the phenomenon without clearly designating its meaning or importance".  What should generally be understood by intergenerational "sexual" teasing does not imply a response to misconduct but to obviously absurd insinuations or allegations of sexual impotence and heterosexual inadequacy, of infidelity and to mock proposals.  The teasing is not generally restricted to the gender of either counterpart, but this may be a cultural trait.  The adult poses an overtly impossible demand or appeal to the child's sexual knowledge, virtues, alleged history or pride27.

Although some forms of "teasing" have been designated abusive (in terms of roughness, inconsiderateness), the typical practice seems to be intended to actively cultivate a well- articulated performance-based anticipation of the boy's sexual [behavioural] curriculum, which process somehow represents a protagonist of his callousness to withstand attacks on his sense of maleness, eventually leading to his mastering the situational absurdity.

In a dialogue form, he is encouraged to develop a way of dealing verbally with these jocularities that also characterise preadolescent peer groups, where the practice may be less obviously age- or power-stratified.  He learns to boast, to counter or "get even", and to establish a personal narrative, a style of "talking sex" or "doing sex" and get out unharmed, even in the obviously unfair intergenerational encounter.
 

The European Case

Genital soothing may well have been widespread in Medieval Europe (vide infra).  Brusendorff and Henningsen (1963:p30, 34)28 suggest this was the case in Denmark even "a few generations ago".  Even in recent Southern Italy, it was likely the young boy has his penis "singled out for teasing admiration.  This open phallic admiration is characteristic of the behaviour of mothers and sons, and in teasing infrafamily behaviour the genital organs may be poked or referred to with provocative gestural indications" (Parsons, 1964 [1969:p255])29. Among the Gitano (Spanish gypsies), "[...] the sexual identity of children receives much attention in language and gesture, and is treated in a very joyful and playful manner.  Praises or displays of affection to children very often involve references to their genitals.  Adults or older children  often address children through the words that define the genitals, and show their affection by rubbing or grabbing their sexual areas, and kissing or biting them there" (Blasco, 1994:p54)30. The boys' masculinity is addressed more than the girls' femininity: "[...] mothers love making their male babies' penises become erect, photos of boys aged two or three smoking sigarettes, or else naked, hung on the walls of every gitano house; and from that same age boys are very much encouraged to be proud of their genitals".

Historical Bias

The suggested historical universality in Europe (Van Ussel, Duerr, DeMause, Kahr, Aries, Haeberle, De la Marche, Brongersma, Dasberg; vide infra) is based on the interpretation of mostly negativist comments addressing the malpractice of Nurses and ignorant mothers.  Most commentators on the European case have globally stressed the historical question of sex as nascent "problem" stage (e.g., Van Ussel) while others (DeMause) conversely use its occurrence to chronicle the "nightmare" of the world's incestuous pedagogical past31; however, a satisfying functional analysis has not been offered.  Aries (1960 [1973:pl0l])32 states that "the practice of playing with children's privy parts formed part of a widespread tradition".  This could be so because or despite the idea that "the child under the age of puberty was believed to be unaware of or indifferent to sex.  Thus gestures and allusions had no meaning for him; they became purely gratuitous and lost their sexual significance" (p103).  The reverse of Aries' generalisation (L'Enfant, p 102, 105), informed by the overly cited case of young Louis XIII, is that the "exaggerated interest shown in his [Louis XIII] phallic development and the premature stimulation to which he was subjected are more than accounted for by the fact that his potential sexual performance was literally a question of state" (Marvick, 1974a33:p351-2; cf. Duerr, [1988, I:p207-9]34).  Orest Ranum, in a comment to similar explanations by Marvick (1974b; cf. Marvick, 1974c:p262-3)35 argues that the descriptions of early sexual arousal and methods of social control used to rear children illuminate the entire French society in which "social control rested overtly on paternity and physical force", that is, justice, sexuality, politics, etc, had meanings to the 17th century mind very different from our [American] own".
 

Instrumentality: Uses and Abuses

A cross-check with "sexual restraint" measures using the Standard Cross Cultural Sample36 ("early childhood" measure, N=21) suggests that cultures for which the practice is noted are situated in the low or mid-range.  Speaking with Becker's37 reformulations, it seems that a number of these cultures are to be classified among the "sex-positive" ones which would generally define sexual activities in operational and prescriptive (rather than proscriptive) terms; in others, the emphasis has to be put on a pro-fertility concern.  In still other societies, it seems to anticipate a sexual culture characterised by a rigid double standard principle.  In most cases, however, the ethnographer is comfortable with the explanation that it pleases the baby, that is, its use as a sedative or hypnotic.  The low frequency of cultures that may "teach masturbation" (N=5) by the practice, and of the seemingly paradoxical co-existence with discouraging attitudes toward self-stimulation (N=3) suggests that direct behaviour modification intents are rare.  On the other hand, intents that clearly suggest an attitudinal shaping, for instance, an introduction to heterosexual agenda, may also be rare.  However, this may reflect ethnographers' hesitation to address or explore the issue.

Embeddedness, Legitimisation and Taboo

A detailed culturalist localisation of the practice is rare (more interpretive coverage, however, was offered by Duerr38, by Money, Swayam Prakasam and Joshi, 199139, and in a recent article by Rydstrm, 2002)40.  An analysis of cases in which verbal utterances have been reported to accompany the practice, suggests that generational/parental genital handling of the infant instrumentalises an amalgam of motives: pacification, gratification, self-gratification, teasing, greeting, facilitation of gender identity/role facilitation (in terms of machismo), and demonstration of gender specific parental pride.  The Middle-Eastern and Latin American cases are most distinctly localised in this respect.  As referred to supra, for a number of societies41 genital manipulation seems best covered by the concept of "teasing", or perhaps "greeting" (Telugu; New Guinea).  The Latin species seems firmly entrenched in the cultivation of "machismo", and this element may be central in other contexts (e.g., Suriname).  The elements of potency (e.g., Senegal, Zaire [Bakwa-Luntu, Bakongo], Tanzania, Martinique) and virility (e.g., Puerto Rico, Turkey, Aritama) often seem to be genuine anticipating concems42.

In some cases the practice would be explicitly tabooed, though it has been argued that taboo followed excess (e.g., Mangaia); the 19th century European case may be an adequate example of this.  Arndt (1954:p111)43 notes for the Ngadha: "Die Wrterin solI das Kind nicht an die Geschlechtsteilen beruhren, damit es nicht krank wird [... ]".  A Yoruba mother who would kiss her infant below the umbiculus, would be committing incest (Staewen and Schonberg, 1970:p222)44.  Possibly due to a spectre of differential evaluation, the (public nature of the) practice of genital handling may be subject to considerable variation in microgeographic terms (Dani, Tzeltal, Ghana).  Masturbation of boys themselves is collaterally prohibited in some societies practising materno-infantile stimulation (!Ko, Puerto Rico [debated], Trukese), while in other cases, the mother would encourage or "teach" self-masturbation (Katschtka, Japanese, Cub eo, Basuto, Kogi).

In some additional cases manipulations of the mother are motivated by preparatory intents such as thelopoesis (South African natives, Timbira) or breast modification, prophallopoesis (Paraguay, Bimin-Kuskusmin), or antiphallopoesis (Menomini), preputial conditioning (Hawai'i, Egypt, Turkomans, Kurds, Uzbeks, Kazak-Kirghiz), cunnus preparation (Marquesan, Ra'Ivavae, Mangaia, Hawai'i, Zimbabwe [vaRemba], Luba, Nkundo, Hottentot), and artificial defloration (e.g., Wakka, Yanoama).  However, preparatory and nonpreparatory intents may be both present.  Davenport (1992)45 points out that "[. ..] genital stimulation as a means of pacifying a child may be regarded as nonsexual [... ]", which is possibly true for most cases, except for those aiming to radicalise gender differences, to facilitate (future) sexual activity, and to cultivate a specific heterosexual identity through genital socialisation.
 

A Categorisation Problem?

Parental genital avoidance in industrial societies starts even with neonatal grooming46.  Judging from a cursory inventory, the topic of genitalia is usually (still not invariably) avoided in Western baby massage books (N=6), some of which were inspired by Asian customs.  According to contemporary American legislation, nonhygienic nonmedical approaches of the genitalia can probably be construed as "abusive", as "delayed" weaning may cause adverse social interpretations (Christian and Deardorff, 2000)47.  According to sporadic communications, genital reference practices have recently indeed fallen subject to adverse interpretations (e.g., Aruba- Dutch Antilles)48.  The case presented by Money, Swayam Prakasam and Joshi (1991)49 appearing in the early days of this journal is a hypothetical as well as directive one: "The meaning of these customs is not erotic or sexual, but if engaged in in America would most likely be misconstrued and the parents suspected of child sexual abuse" (ital. add.).  It seems that few sources explore specific indigenous "abuse" concepts.  According to a study by Angulo (1995)50, only 41.9% of Bali informants stated that "fondling a young boy on his genitals by an adult" was not considered by them as "child abuse"; for fondling young girls' genitals, this figure was 32.6% ([p90-2])51.

The obvious contemporary bias of abusiveness concepts has been informed by the "sexual abuse in historical perspective" and" sexual abuse across cultures" genres of the 1990s.  Some authors52 have specifically addressed this issue of cultural definition.  However, "cross-cultural" considerations of sexual "abuse" experiences of children are predominantly informed within the scope of American ethnic minorities, and therefore being subculturalist rather than truly cross-cultural53.  Most writers, conversely, argue for a "cross-national" approach in discussing combat motivation and strategies (e.g., Finkelhor and Korbin, 1988)54.  It must be argued that American definitions of "child sexual abuse" are predominantly informed by age difference, and hardly any definition goes without it.  This sensitises the current case: when is the practice discontinued and why?  The point is unfortunately rarely addressed (Philippines), and remains debated (Puerto Rico) or vague (Hopi, etc.).  The legitimisation of the practice remains obscure in most cases (the Balinese, for instance, stress the "innocence" of the child).

Psychoanalytic Heritage, the Problematic Mother and "Cultures of Abuse"

Within a psychoanalytic set of mind, the direct stimulation of infant genitalia represents a problem for Oedipal resolution: it would impact incest dynamics (Fox, De VOS)55.  Native reflections are very few in number on this point.  This issue, however, was referred to by Poole writing of the Bimin-Kuskusmin (New Guinea), among whom it seems to be believed that continued stimulation will damage the child's finiik, spirit or life force.

Within the revivalist "seduction" paradigm, mothers have been known to seemingly unconsciously behave "seductively" toward their children on a normative basis (Sroufe and Ward, 1980; Sroufe et al., 1985)56.  The application of stereotyped Western entries of understanding this behaviour ("female paedophilia"), however, seems obviously problematic.  The ethnopsychiatric case can hardly be pursued outside the psychodynamic tradition.  Speaking with the argument of De Vos57, who seems to be unaware of the cross-cultural frequency, postindustrial societies might safely personalise even maternal motivation because of its presumed rarity:

"[ a] mother who attempts genital stimulation of her son for her own satisfaction would have to be extremely aberrant and sexually disturbed, since the sexual satisfaction to be obtained from an infant or a small child would in no way be comparable to that obtained from an adult male. It is therefore unusual for a small child to experience the mother's active sexuality directed toward him for her own genital gratification" (p170).

Others (e.g., Traina, 2000)58 suggest Western ideals and norms of mothering should be revised to account for "the experience of maternity as erotically pleasurable".

Lloyd DeMause utilises a particularly brutal use of ethnomisic and anti-anthropologist narrative in reducing history and all culture to abuse and "incest"59 (DeMause likewise arranges parental objection to children's self-stimulation as abusive).  Few if any studies, however, justify recent "Western" universality claims regarding traumatogenetic trajectories in cases of subculturally or culturally endemic "illegal" practices60 at the empirical level.  These claims are progressively institutionalised, and this may legitimise categorisation efforts.  With too much ease, several cases of age disparate systems are commonly lumped into convenient container categories, not unusually including absurd historical interpretations:

"The earliest records on childhood sexuality [abuse] for such early civilizations as the Celtic, Germanic, Egyptian, Persian, Greek, Roman, Japanese, Indian and Chinese all show ritualized pederasty of the Australian and Melanesian type; i.e., boys beginning at seven to ten years of age were forced to submit to fellatio and anal intercourse under the belief that women were so powerful and men so weak that only in this way would the boys be able to grow sperm and attain manhood"61 [referring to Herdt].

DeMause's easy typology advocates outrageous misconceptions, including generalisations pertaining to age, emic function, use of "force" (which is nowhere demonstrated), and the attribution of "ritual" qualities.  This obviously problematises the very foundations of the orthodox psychohistorical claim.
 

Conclusion

Officially, it can be argued, there is a striking though not perfect uniformity of legislative curriculum among contemporary "Western" nations (Graupner, 1997)62, the minor differences not adequately legitimisable.  What goes beneath this global consensus are choices of rationale that progressively improbablise discussion of fundamental issues, such as that addressing the militant normalisation and naturalisation of protectionist curricula.  Why normalising a normal thing?  The reverse of this may prove even more effective: why pathologising something pathogenic?

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Footnotes

1 Based on Janssen, D. F. (Oct., 2002). Growing Up Sexually. Interim Report. Amsterdam, The Netherlands. Volume II: The Sexual Curriculum: The Manufacture and Performance of Pre-Adult Sexualities, Chapter 9: The Doing of Genitalia: Baby's Genitals and the Grand Scheme of Things Sexual  [Back]

2  Author is currently a freshman cultural anthropology student at University of Nijmegen, The Netherlands  [Back]

3 Greenlandic infant petting song. See Kleivan, I. (1976) Status and role of men and women as reflected in West Greenlandic petting songs to infants, Folk 18:5-22, at p 12   [Back]

4 Rosenfeld, A. et al. (1980) The primal scene: a study of prevalence, AmJ Psychia 137,11:1426-8. See also Ramey, J. W. (1972) Communes, Group Marriage, and the Upper-Middle Class, J Marriage & Fam 34,4:647- 55, at p650   [Back]

5 Rosenfeld, A. (1982) Sleeping patterns in upper-middle-class families when the child awakens ill or frightened, Arch Gen Psychia 39:943- 7. See also Schweder, R. A. et al. (1995) Who Sleeps by Whom Revisited: A Method for Extracting the Moral Goods Implicit in Practice, New Directions for Child Developm 67:21-39  [Back]

6 Rosenfeld, A. et al. (1986) Determinants of incestuous contacts of parent and child: frequencies of children touching parents' genitals in a non-clinical sample, J AmAcad Child Psychia 25:481-4  [Back]

7 Rosenfeld, A. et al. (1987) Family bathing patterns: implications for cases of alleged molestation and for pediatric practice, Pediatrics 79,2:224-9  [Back]

8 Rosenfeld, A. et al. (1984) Parental perceptions of children's modesty: a cross-sectional survey of ages two to ten years, Psychia 47:351-65  [Back]

9 E.g., Rosenfeld, A. (1977) Sexual misuse and the family, VictimoI2,2:226-35  [Back]

10 Lewis, R. J., & Janda, L. H. (1988) The relationship between adult sexual adjustment and childhood experiences regarding exposure to nudity, sleeping in the parental bed, and parental attitudes toward sexuality, Arch Sex Behav 17,4:349-62  [Back]

11 Gesell, A. L., Ilg, F. L. et al. (1943) Infant and Child in the Culture of Today, New York: Harper, p333-46; Gesell, A. L., Ilg, F. L. et al. (1946) The Child From 5 to 10. London: Hamilton, p322-5; Gesell, A. L., rig, F. L. & Ames, L. B. (1956) Youth: The Years From 10 to 16. New York: Harper & Brothers, p287-90  [Back]

12 The project entails a three-volume literature overview within thematic, geo- / ethnographic and bibliographic formats.  The material is currently being reworked for digital publication.  [Back]

13 A term clearly to be preferred above such qualifications as "positive", "permissive" or "tolerant".  For an elaboration of this argument, see Growing Up Sexually, op.cit.  [Back]

14 Pacifics: Marquesas, Trukese, South Carolines, Marquesans, Hawai'ians, Ponapeans; Mrica: Nyakyusa, Mangaia, Ra'lvavae, Nama Hottentot, Betchuans, Luba, Nkundo, Ngoni, Zimba, Baganda, Bagishu, Suaheli, Shona, Burundi, Zande, VaRemba, Bahemba, Venda, Lenda, Bapende, Bemba, M'wemba, Nkoya, Kgatla, Thonga, Tetela, Lamba, Beti, "Bamouns", Tikars, Mangbetu, Fan (Dahomey), lla, "Grand Lacs" tribes, Chewa, Chaga, Makonde, Lozi, Baushi  [Back]

15 In favour of the current coverage of the subject, a complete treatise, a condensed chapter highlighting clues for a functional analysis, and a 15-page bibliography will be published elsewhere (Growing Up Sexually, vols. II and III).  [Back]

16 Henry, J. (1941) Jungle People: A Kaingang Tribe of the Highlands of Brazil. New York: J. J. Augustin. 1964 reprint  [Back]

17 Kazak, Yakut, Hopi, Siriono, Alorese, Modjokuto, Ontong Java, Balinese, Borneo, Suye Mura, Navaho, Kaingang, Cubeo, Yanomam6/Waika (Surara and Pakidlii), Kalahari Bushmen, New Guineans (Daribi, Bimin- Kuskusmin, Gimi, Dani, Iatmul, Mountain Arapesh), Rungus Dusun, Trukese, Banoi (Thailand), Vietnamese, India (e.g., Garos), Rajput, Ghanese, Mixtec, Ruanda, Burundi, Mossi, Australia (Yolngu, Alknarintja), Katschtka, Wogeo, Toradja, Tobelorese, Trumai, Kogi, Martinique, Turks, Arab, Moroccans, Tunisia [inferred], Marquesans, Iban, Malaysia, Pilaga, Simaku, Mangaia, Puerto Rico, Aruba (Netherlands Antilles), Gitano, Japanese / Okinawans, Inuit, Qipi, Utku, Tzeltal, Nothern Tungus, Ordos Mongols, pagan Chinese, Machus, Birarcen, Aitutaki, Togan, Basuto, Siwa, Nya H6n, Lodha (West-Bengal), Kpelle, Cayapa, Fan (Dahomey), IKung, Southern Italy, Isneg, Aritama, Philippines (Negritos of N. Luzon, Agta)  [Back]

18 Notably Stekel, Ford / Ford and Beach, Stephens, Korbin, Gregersen, Eibl-Eibesfeldt, Martinson, Braude, DeMause, Edwardes and Masters, and Duerr  [Back]

19 !Kung, New Guinea (e.g., Gimi), Ponapeans, Aritama, Cayapa, Puerto Rico, Muslims, Turks, Aitutaki, Trukese, Telugu, Central Australian Aborigines, Rungus Dusun, Negritos, Gitano  [Back]

20 Puerto Rico, Lodha, Iatmul, Kpelle, Cayapa  [Back]

21 E.g., Mossi, Nya H6n, Japanese/ Okinawans, New Guinea, Balinese (?), Toradja, Iban, Sarawak, Mixtec, Ssimaku, Lebanese, Moroccans, Riijput, Eskimo  [Back]

22 For observations, see Atlas entries for Navajo, India, Tikopia, Saramaka, Cubeo, Philippines, Siamese, Hopi, Balinese, Tanzania, Ruanda, Borneo (Dayak, Dusun), Puerto Rico, Barren Land Eskimo (also Utku), Italy, Shirishana Yanomamo  [Back]

23 Sibley, B. J. (1970) Teasing of Children in a Rural Philippine Village, Philippine Sociol Rev 18,1:27-31  [Back]

24 Vanoverbergh (1928:p423) noted among the Negritos of Northern Luzon that "I have [...j observed that the custom prevails of tickling and kissing them [children] more especially on the genitals. This is also more or less practised by the other tribes I have had to do with during my missionary career". See Vanoverbergh, M. (1928) Negritos of Northern Luzon, Chapter III, Anthropos 23,3/4:399-433. Vanoverbergh (1938:p179) mentioned the practice among the Northern Luzon Isneg (Apayao). See Vanoverbergh, M. (1938) The Isneg. Washington: Catholic Anthropological Conference  [Back]

25 Martinson, F. M. (1973) Infant and Child Sexuality: A Sociological Perspective. St. Peter, MN: The Book Mark, p76+refs; Martinson, F. M. (1994) The Sexual Life of Children. Westport, Conn: Bergin & Garvey  [Back]

26 E.g., Moll, A. (1908) Das Sexualleben des Kindes. Leipzig: Vogel. 1912 transl. Macmillan, p 276  [Back]

27 Australians: Adults pretend erotic advances at babies jokingly calling them husband and wife, and commenting on the size of their penis. Navajo: "A two-year-old boy's uncle will begin to make remarks about the size of his nephews's penis and tease him about the various girls he has had. He might call his niece "little mother" and ask her to take care of him, by giving him some milk. The aunt might tease her nephew by
saying, "I want to sleep with you" or "I know you've been seeing someone else while I was away""; Saramaka: "Men tease girls from infancy on by grabbing at their "breasts" and genitals, and women often pull playfully at a little boy's penis, interrogating him about whether he really knows how to use it and whether he thinks it is big enough to satisfy them. A favorite way of engaging a two- or three-year-old boy is to ask after his pregnant wife or, for a girl, to inquire whether her recent labor pains were severe, and children are expected to provide appropriate answers"; Hopi: "Mter I was four or five nearly all my grandfathers, father's sisters' and clan sisters' husbands, played very rough jokes on me, snatched at my penis, and threatened to castrate me, charging that I had been caught making love to their wives, who were my aunts. All these women took my part, called me their sweet-heart, fondled my penis, and pretended to want it badly. They would say, "Throw it to me", reach out their hands as if catching it, and smack their lips".  [Back]

28 Brusendorff, O. & Henningsen, P. (1960) Loue's Picture Book. Vo1.3: Exotic horizons. Copenhagen: Veta. 1963 ed.  [Back]

29 Parsons, A. (1964) Is the Oedipus complex universal?, Psychoanal Study Soc 3:278-328. Reprinted in Muensterberger, W. (Ed., 1969) Man and his Culture. London: Rapp & Whinting, p331-84  [Back]

30 Blasco, P. G. y (1994) Gitano understanding of female virginity: sex and ethnic difference, Cambridge AnthropoI17,l:49-68  [Back]

31 DeMause, L. (1974) The evolution of childhood, in DeMause, L. (Ed.) The History of Childhood. New York: Psychohistory Press, pl-73, esp. p43-5I; DeMause, L. (1982) Foundations of Psycho history. New York: Creative Roots, Inc., p45, DeMause, L. (1998) The History of Child Abuse, J Psychohist 25,3:216-36. DeMause (1988) concludes that "[l)ittIe Louis grew up with quite severe sexual problems resulting from his having experienced incest, and his adult love life consisted mainly of unhappy homosexual affairs with young men". See DeMause, L. (1988) On Writing Childhood History, J Psychohist 16,2:135-71. For a similar approach, see Kahr, B. (1991) The History of Sexuality: From Ancient Polymorphous Perversity to Modern Genital Love, J Psychohist 26,4:764-78  [Back]

32 Aries, Ph. (1962) Centuries of Childhood. Translated, London: Cape  [Back]

33 Marvick, E. W. (1974a) The Character of Louis XIII: The Role of His Physician, J Interdisc His 4,3:347-74  [Back]

34 Duerr, H. P. (1988) Nacktheit und Scham. Frankfurt a. M.: Suhrkamp. Vol. 1 of Der Mythos vom Zivilizationprocess. 2nd ed.  [Back]

35 Marvick, E. W. (1974b) Childhood History and Decisions of State: The Case of Louis XIII, HistChildh Quart 2,2:135-80. Comments and replies at pI81-99; Marvick, E. W. (1974c) Nature versus nurture: patterns and trends in seventeenth-century French child-rearing, in DeMause, L. (Ed.) The History of Childhood. New York: Psychohistory Press, p259-301  [Back]

36 Barry, H. Ill, Josephson, E. et al. (1976) Traits inculcated in childhood: cross-cultural codes 5, Ethnology 15:83-114  [Back]

37 Becker, G. (1984) The Social Regulation of Sexuality: A Cross-Cultural Perspective, CurT Perpect Soc Theory 5:45-69  [Back]

38 Op.cit.  [Back]

39 Money, J., Swayam Prakasarn, K. & Joshi, V. N. (1991) Transcultural Development Sexology: Genital Greeting Versus Child Molestation, Iss Child Abuse Accus 4,3. Available at httD://wwwiDt- forensics.com/iournal/volume3/i3 4 4.htm  [Back]

40 Rydstrem, H. (2002) Sexed bodies, gendered bodies: children and the body in Vietnam, Women's Studies Int Forum 25,3:359-72  [Back]

41 Navajo, India, Saramaka, Cubeo, Phillipines, Hopi, Italy, Tanzania, Truk, Tikopia, Borneo  [Back]

42 Other rationales are sporadic, including the carrying of babies on the back to monitor premicturational erections, a Tanzanian and Turkish practice, and the "[...] blowing or stroking to induce urination" found among the Nootka and Ingalik.  [Back]

43 Arndt, P. (1954) Gesellschaftliche Verhdltnisse der Ngadha. MOdling: Verlag Miss. Dr. St. Gabriel  [Back]

44 Staewen, C. & Schonberg, F. (1970) Kulturwandel und Angstentwicklung bei den Yoruba Westaftikas. Munchen: Weltforum Verlag   [Back]

45 Davenport, W. H. (1992) Adult-child sexual relations in cross-cultural perspective, in ODonohue, W. & Geer, J. H. (Eds.) The Sexual Abuse of Children: Theory and Research. Vol. I. Lawrence Erlbaum Associates. Hillsdale, New Jersey, p73-80  [Back]

46 Yates, who proclaims that "[t]he baby's whole body is a sexual organ", comments on the neonatal grooming process in parents, where genitals are avoided.  Yates emphatically argued for "erotic" bonding in the neonatal period of life, but seemed hesitant to explicitly encourage mothers to masturbate. Yates, A. (1978) Sex Witlwut Shame. New York: William Morrow, p15l-8  [Back]

47 Christian, S. E. & Deardorff, J. (2000) Mother Who Breastfeeds 6-Year-Old Faces Custody Fight from Illinois, Chicago 1ribune, Dec. 10  [Back]

48 W. Richard Piternella, 2002, personal communication  [Back]

49 Op.cit.  [Back]

50 Angulo, R. C. (1995) Cross-Cultural Study of Child Abuse on the Island of Bali, Indonesia. Thesis, California State University  [Back]

51 Note that apart from Bali, the Indonesian case has further been recorded for Java [incl. Modjokuto], Borneo, Rungus Dusun, Toradja, Tobelorese, and Iban. The same stimulation, and with the same purpose, is done with domestic animals (ibid., p35).  [Back]

52 Korbin, J. E. (1987) Child sexual abuse: Implications from the cross-cultural record, in Scheper-Hughes, N. (Ed.) Child Survival: Anthropological Perspectives on the 7reatment and Maltreatment of Children. Dordrecht, Boston, Lancaster, Tokyo: D. Reidel Publishing Company, p247-67; Dempster, H. L. & Roberts, J. (1991) Child sexual abuse research: a methodological quagmire, Child Abuse & Neglect 15, 4:593-95; Davenport, W. H. (1992) Adult-child sexual relations in cross-cultural perspective, in O'Donohue, W. & Geer, J. H. (Eds.) The Sexual Abuse of Children: Theory and Research. Vol. I. Lawrence Erlbaum Associates. Hillsdale, New Jersey, p73-80; Rubin, G. (1984) Thinking sex, in Vance, C. S. (Ed.) Pleasure and Danger. Boston: Routledge & Kegan Paul, p267 -319; Scheper-Hughes, N. & Stein, H. (1985) Child Abuse Hysteria. Paper presented at the American Ethnological Society, Wrightsville Beach. Cited by Davis, D. L. & Whitten, R. G. (1987) The cross- cultural study of human sexualitY, Ann Rev AnthropoI16:69-98, at p77  [Back]

53 E.g., Maureen, C., K. & McEachem, A. G. (2000) Racial, ethnic, and cultural factors of childhood sexual abuse; A selected review of the literature, Clin Psyclwl Rev 20,7:905-22; Mennen, F. E. (1995) The relationship ofracejethnicitY to symptoms in childhood sexual abuse, Child Abuse & Neglect, 19, 1:115-24; Kalof, L. (2000) Ethnic differences in female sexual victimization, Sexuality & Culture 4,4:75-97; Fontes, L. A. (Ed., 1995) Sexual Abuse in Nine North American Cultures: 7reatment and Prevention. Thousand Oaks, CA, US: Sage Publications, Inc; Thousand Oaks, CA, US: Sage Publications, Inc.  [Back]

54 Finkelhor, D. & Korbin, J. (1988) Child abuse as an international issue, Child Abuse & Neglect, 12, 1:3-23  [Back]

55 Fox, J. R. (1962) Sibling incest, J Sociol13: 128-50; De Vos, G. A. (1975) Mfective Dissonance and Primary Socialization: Implications for a Theory of Incest Avoidance, Etlws 3,2: 165-82  [Back]

56 Sroufe, L. A. & Ward, M. J. (1980) Seductive behavior of mothers of toddlers: occurrence, correlates, and family origins, Child Developm 51: 1222-9; Sroufe, L. A. et al. (1985) Generational boundary dissolution between mothers and their preschool children: A relationship systems approach, Child Developm 56,2:317-25  [Back]

57 Op.cit.  [Back]

58 Traina, C. L. H. (2000) Maternal experience and the boundaries of Christian sexual ethics, Signs 25,2:369- 405  [Back]

59 Growing Up Sexually, op.cit.  [Back]

60 Growing Up Sexually, op.cit.  [Back]

61 DeMause, L. (1989) The role of adaptation and selection in psychohistorical evolution, J Psychohist 16,4:355-71  [Back]

62 Graupner. H. (1997) Sexualitdt, Jugendschutz und Menschenrechte: Ober daB Recht van Kindem und Jugendlichen auf Sexuelle Selbstbestimmung. Frankfurt am Main [etc.]: Lang. 2 vals.  [Back]

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