Termination of Parental Rights
In Kentucky, an "explosion" in the number of children removed
from their homes by court order has resulted in more children in need of
care-yet the number of people willing to step forward as foster parents
has failed to keep pace. "And its going to get worse," says Rudi
Megowan, Northern Kentucky family services supervisor for the state Department
for Social Services. "They just passed legislation that will make it
easier to terminate parental rights, which means more and more kids will
be coming into care" (Vance, 1998).
This legislation, sweeping the states as of this writing, is the Adoption
and Safe Families Act. It was the disparity between the number of children
in foster care who need homes and the number who were adopted that spurred
President Clinton in 1996 to ask for new legislation aimed at doubling the
number of public adoptions by 2002 and giving foster children "what
should be their fundamental right-a chance at a decent, safe home."
In response, Congress passed the Act in November of 1997 (Spake, 1998).
Before children may be adopted, their ties to their natural parents must first be permanently severed. Permanent termination of parental rights has
been described as "the family law equivalent of the death penalty in
a criminal case" (In re Smith). The power to terminate parental rights
is an "awesome power" (Champagne v. Welfare). "It is tantamount
to a civil death penalty" (Drury v. Lang).
In Michigan, terminations of parental rights increased by 55% in 1996 when
referenced against the previous year (Kresnak, 1996). This was before the
Adoption and Safe Families Act was even on the drawing board. From Wisconsin:
"Petitions to terminate parental rights are on the rise in Waukesha
County, fueled by changes in state law that cut the time parents have to
shape up." Over the past four years, the number of petitions filed by
the county had increased sevenfold (Sink, 1998).
It apparently has become a cruel fashion of our times to systematically
target primarily poor families for permanent severance of their family ties.
To this end, the state of Arizona established a "Severance Project,"
while Kentucky has established a "Termination of Parental Rights Project."
To implement the Kentucky initiative successfully, program officials believed
that it was necessary to have the long-term and active involvement of "key officials at all levels, including the governor, legislators, and agency
officials as well as caseworkers, service providers, attorneys, and judges."
This participation was deemed "essential to define the problem and reach
consensus," and accomplishing this end "required considerable
coordination [of] efforts and an extended commitment of resources" (General Accounting Office, 1997).
Such a relentless onslaught against the family was bound to engender resistance.
In Nevada, there is mounting anger and demand for change reportedly coming
from parents whose rights have been terminated. They, too, say losing a
child to protective custody is akin to a civil "death penalty"
(Kanigher, 1997). Indeed, Chief Justice Charles Springer of the Nevada Supreme
Court has observed that there is a "recent epidemic of terminations
of parental rights of poor and handicapped parents" (Kanigher, 1997b).
"As I have indicated in my dissents to other termination cases, the
state seems to be running amok, spouting pop psychology and terminating
parental rights in cases where it is clearly not necessary to do, particularly
in cases of poor and otherwise handicapped parents," Springer wrote
in another dissent, while in another still, he explained:
The state's modus operandi appears to be to go into the homes of handicapped,
powerless and usually very poor parents, remove their children (almost always
without the parents having counsel) and put the children into the home of
substitute parents who are more affluent than the natural parents and more
pleasing to social service agents than the natural parents.
After the children are taken out of the home of their natural parents, the
state imposes upon the natural parents a "reunification plan" that
is frequently beyond the capacity of the parents to deal with.
Springer has written of what he describes as the "state's child-devouring
juggernaut" to take children away from their parents only because they
are poor. When child-rearing problems arise, Springer notes the problem
of poverty is "rarely addressed," rather the state seeks to assign
blame to the parents thus "permanently depriving the children of their
natural parents" (Ryan, 1998).
In a California case of recent vintage, a mother had her parental rights
terminated on the basis of the testimony of a therapist who opined that
she had a "narcissistic" personality. Her troubles began when
social workers visited her home, removing the children because they found
the home to be in generally "an unsanitary condition." Orange
County Counsel Laurence H. Watson and Deputy County Counsel Mark R. Howe
argued the case on behalf of the Department of Social Services (Orange County
Social Services Agency v Doris F.). In yet another California case, parental
rights were terminated on the basis of a psychologist's opinion that the
parent had failed to "internalize" general parenting skills. Once
again, Watson and Howe argued the case in the appellate court on behalf
of the Department (Blanca P. v Superior Court). Dana Mack points to a case
in which San Diego prosecutor E. Jane Via, whom she describes as a radical
feminist, had sought to arrange for the adoption of an infant girl on grounds
no more substantial than her Mormon father's "patriarchal" religious
beliefs might someday inspire him toward abusive behavior.
Perhaps more typical of national trends is a North Carolina case in which
the Court of Appeals upheld termination of parental rights based on Moore
County District Court Judge Michael E. Beale having found "clear, cogent
and convincing evidence" that neglect had occurred based on a friend
of the defendant testifying to having "observed a roach on the child's
face on one occasion," and having seen "roaches on the car seat,
diaper bag, and dirty clothes." Dirty dishes were said to be accumulating,
and dirty clothes were said to have been piled up around the apartment.
This "evidence" of unfitness was not uncontroverted. A family therapist
employed by the court to conduct a home study stated in his report that
the house was neat and clean, and that the mother had "shown a good
aesthetic sense in arranging flowers and art work to create a warm ambiance."
He also testified about the mother's apparent willingness to become a better
parent. The primary witness against the mother, Alvina Street, had legal
custody of the child at the time she testified against the mother (In re
When in modern times it became fashionable for the courts of appeal to uphold
the termination of parental rights for reasons of poverty is difficult to
determine with precision. In Texas, however, the date was February of 1987,
and the venue was the Court Of Appeals, Fifth District Of Texas. In his
dissent in In the interest of S.H.A., a child, Justice Devany observed:
[W]hen we are faced with an economic depression and parents cannot provide
adequate food for their children, under the majority holding, termination
will be justified. The majority has enacted law that in a time of poverty
parental rights will be terminated. The majority will have the state become
a "big brother" form of government of such supremacy that it can
destroy the very base of freedom and democracy in this country by destroying
A more comprehensive review of appellate cases involving termination of
parental rights is beyond the scope of this text. Suffice it to say that
to the extent a very few children find themselves fortunate enough to wind
their way out of the labyrinth of foster care toward the promise of permanence
offered by adoption, a majority of these children appear to have had their
rights to their parents terminated for largely the same reasons they entered
foster care to begin with. In a majority of cases the reason is related
to their poverty status. Among the majority of the remainder of these cases
factors such as cultural bias or insensitivity, decision making and other
skill deficits at all levels of administration, an all-pervasive anti-family
bias, and corruption motivated either by financial gain or personal aggrandizement
frequently manifest themselves. Allegations involving instances of life-threatening
child abuse or neglect appear to be raised among the minority of TPR cases
based on my personal review of something approaching some several hundred
And now, along comes the Adoption and Safe Families Act. Already the Department of Health and Human Services has issued a Program Announcement detailing
how the legislation is to work once implemented on the state level. States
are affirmatively required to proceed with the termination of parental rights
when a child has been in foster care for 15 of the most recent 22 months.
There are only three exceptions to the rule: 1) the child is placed with
a relative (at the option of the State); 2) the State documents a compelling
reason not to file a petition for TPR; 3) the State has not provided the
services, identified in the case plan, necessary to make the home safe for
the child's return within the time frame specified in the case plan. The
Act is "to be treated as a Title IV-E State plan requirement"
and failure to obtain the necessary State legislation required to implement
these new procedures during the first legislative session following the enactment
of the Act "will result in a State plan compliance issue" (Administration for Children, Youth and
Former New Hampshire State Senator and Chairman of the Human Services Committee
David Wheeler argues that the Adoption and Safe Families Act will allow
juvenile court judges to proceed with terminations of parental rights based
solely on a child's length of stay in foster care absent so much as an adjudication
of abuse or neglect. The law comes with new funding streams, including incentives
to maintain a child in state care until such time as termination of parental
rights triggers financial incentives to child protection agencies. To my
knowledge, his was the only state to reject the bill when it was first introduced
in the House. A subsequent effort to attach it to another bill was discovered
and derailed. The former Senator explains that as of this writing, efforts
are still under way "to slip it under the door" (personal communication).
While on its face, the legislation offers the promise of quicker exit from
a system historically known for maintaining children in care for countless
years of time, the Congress failed to ask one crucial question when it passed
the legislation: Why are so many children in the foster care system to begin